الرئيسية Isis Scientific Internationalism and the Weimar Physicists: The Ideology and Its Manipulation in Germany...
أبلغ عن مشكلةThis book has a different problem? Report it to us
إختار نعم إذا كان إختار نعم إذا كان إختار نعم إذا كان إختار نعم إذا كان
نجحت في فتح الملف
يحتوي الملف على كتاب (يُسمح أيضًا بالرسوم الهزلية)
محتوى الكتاب مقبول
يتوافق الإسم و المؤلف و لغة الملف مع وصف الكتاب. تجاهل الخانات الأخرى لأنها ثانوية!
إختار لا إذا كان إختار لا إذا كان إختار لا إذا كان إختار لا إذا كان
- الملف تالف
- الملف محمي بواسطة الوسائل التقنية لحماية حق المؤلف DRM.
- الملف ليس كتاب (علي سبيل المثال، xls, html, xml)
- الملف عبارة عن مقال
- الملف مقتطف من كتاب
- الملف عبارة عن مجلة
- الملف نموذج إختبار
- الملف سبام
هل تعتقد أن محتوى الكتاب غير مناسب ويجب حظره
لا يتطابق الإسم أو المؤلف أو لغة الملف مع وصف الكتاب. تجاهل الخانات الأخرى.
Change your answer
أكثر المصطلحات والعبارات المستخدمة
Scientific Internationalism and the Weimar Physicists: The Ideology and Its Manipulation in Germany after World War I Author(s): Paul Forman Source: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Jun., 1973), pp. 150-180 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/229595 . Accessed: 10/09/2013 04:09 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact email@example.com. . The University of Chicago Press and The History of Science Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Isis. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 22.214.171.124 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Internationalism the and Scientific Physicists: Weimar and in Its Germany The Ideology Manipulation World after War I By Paul Forman* I. INTRODUCTION T HIS ESSAYIS NOT LIMITEDto the Weimarphysicistsnor does it extendto a considerationof the institutionalforms for internationalscientific relations establishedin the yearsfollowingWorldWar J.1 It aimsto achievesome conceptual clarityabout the ideology of scientificinternationalismand to trace the fate of that ideologyas it interactedin the Weimarperiodwith politicalcircumstancesand with otherelementsof academicideology.For my effortsin this fieldthe work of Brigitte has been an essentialstartingpoint, guide, and support,2and the Schroder-Gudehus resultof these effortsis a mode of treatmentfar closerto Dr. Schroder'sthan I had anticipatedat the outset.3Further,I owe to A. HunterDupree4and Karl Hufbauer5 m; uch stimulusand insightin examiningthe interrelationsof nationalismand internationalismin science. Structurally,the argumentdevelopedin the following sections has three main ReceivedJan. 1972:revised/acceptedAug. 1972. * Department of History of Science and Technology, National Museum of History and Technology, SmithsonianInstitution, Washington, D.C. This essay is a revision and amplification of a paper read at the conference on "Science, Government, and Internationalism, 1900-1939,"organizedby Roger Hahn underthe auspicesof the Instituteof InternationalStudies, University of California, Berkeley, April 3-4, 1970.1 haveprofitedfromthe criticismsof Gerald Feldman,JosephHaberer,Roger Hahn, John L. Heilbron,Karl Hufbauer,andDaniel J. Kevles. 1 For institutionalforms see Daniel J. Kevles, "'Into Hostile Political Camps': The Reorganizationof InternationalScience in World War I," Isis, 1971; 62:47-60, and "The International Research Council, 1914-1931," to be published in the proceedingsof the above conference; Brigitte Schroder-Gudehus,Deutsche WissenschaftundinternationaleZusammenarbeit, 1914-1928 (Geneva:Dumaret & Golay, 1966); Harold Spencer-Jones,"The Early History of ICSU, 1919-1946,"ICSU Review, 1960, 2:169187. 2 Schr6der-Gudehus,Deutsche Wissenschaft; "Characteristiquesdes relations scientifiques internationales, 1870-1914," Journal of World History, 1966, 10 (No. 1):161-177; "Les professeursallemandset la politique du rapprochement,"Annalesd'etudesinternationales(Geneve), 1970(No. 1):23-44. 3 Cf.my reviewof Schroder-Gudehus, Deutsche in Isis, 1969,60: 589-590. Wissenschaft 4 A. HunterDupree,"Nationalismand Science -Sir Joseph Banks and the Warswith France," in A Festschriftfor FrederickB. Artz, ed. D. H. Pinkney (Durham,N.C.:Duke UniversityPress, 1964),pp. 37-51. 6 Karl Hufbauer, "The Formation of the German Chemical Community, 1700-1795" (Dissertation,Universityof California,Berkeley, 1970;Ann Arbor:UniversityMicrofilms,1970). 151 This content downloaded from 126.96.36.199 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A)emonftriere Su ISaufe! (304nuni ton JD.QuXtranTon) ,ILAF1- (X 3rofefforZbuiuo r4er f4iaenbe tOtfeIgen. fWIn Thin bg4ebt' umn3eicen feine. uuenitueetmu Tjofeftes i jetben =oran boemIIobuS in vzaa "'Demostrate at homelAs proof of his unshakable protest, every morning in Berlin ProfessorPatrius Rumbler gives the globe a couple of resounding smacks on its face" (Cartoon by Olaf Gulbransson from Simplicissimus, 1919, 24:40.) This content downloaded from 188.8.131.52 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 152 PAUL FORMAN components: the substance of the ideology of scientific internationalism (Sections II and III); the manipulations of that ideology (Sections IV, V, and VII); the rationale underlying those attitudes and actions (Sections VI and VIII). In Section II, I consider "internationalism"as an element of the ideology of scientists, stressing the essentially nationalistic foundations and functions of scientific internationalism while emphasizing that the classical formula for the participation of the nation in the scientist's fame spares the scientist any conflict between advancing his science and advancing the interests of his nation. A most essential tenet of this ideology is the universality of scientific knowledge. In Section III, I consider whether the cold war in international scientific relations which followed World War I might have had its root in a repudiation of this tenet. But I argue that however divided, ambivalent, and inconsistent the German physicists and mathematicians may have been on the issue of universality, not merely they, but even the most nationalistic Geisteswissenschaftler,whose adamant rejection of all relations with the Allies was probably founded upon a strong distaste for the very notion of supranational knowledge, represented themselves in this context as the champions of true internationalism. This posture was in fact mandatory if political capital were to be made of German scientific and scholarly achievements. Section IV begins the consideration of the manipulations of this ideology. The Wilhelmian Gelehrtenendeavored to broaden the classical formula providing national prestige from scientific achievement to an equation between political and scientific great-power status, contending that a decline in one of these sources of "power" must adversely affect the other. In the Weimar period, however, following Germany's military and economic prostration, the Gelehrten shifted this rhetoric subtly and significantly to the proposition that scientific great-power status could function as a substitute for political great-power status-a notion which found wide appeal across the German political spectrum. I then turn in Section V to inquire how indeed German science was wielded as a political instrument,with the discussion based upon a special definition of Kulturpolitik as a monopolization of the international relations of other nations by artificiallymultiplying bilateral ties. This preemption of international scientific relations-while paying lip service to the ideology of scientific internationalism-was generally expected not merely to fabricate prestige but also to provide a basis for influencing the behavior of both the scientists and the government of the country in question. In order to make intelligible a combination of formal allegiance to the ideology of scientific internationalism with its effective subversion I then make an excursus upon the anti-political and "mandarin" ideologies characteristic of scientists and professionals generally, but especially highly developed among the German academics (Section VI). The conviction that politics is utterly incompatible with the objectivity of the scientist served both as a basis for rejecting the policies of the democratic-parliamentary Weimar regime and as the foundation of a self-conception which did not permit the Gelehrtento see their own behavior as political. Moreover, the mandarin inclination to take science and scholarship as the raison d'e'treof the state encouraged the Weimar Gelehrtento see themselves, not the politicians, as the representatives of the true interests of the German nation. With this preparation I then turn in Section VII to the characteristicfeature of the international relations of the Weimar academics: a readiness to subordinate the This content downloaded from 184.108.40.206 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 153 interestsof science,even of Germanscience,to the interestsof the nation.Admission of the primacyof foreignpolitics,particularlywhenit demandedbehaviorat variance generatedpressuresfor the individual with the ideologyof scientificinternationalism, scientistto surrenderall responsibilityand initiativeto the legitimaterepresentatives of his nation. The great majorityof the GermanGelehrtenturned,however,not to their nationalgovernment,but to their academiccorporations.The small minority who sought governmentalsupport for an effort to bring Germany'sinternational scientificrelationsin line with the foreignpolicy of the Weimarregimewere in fact leaningon a veryweakreed.Finally(SectionVIII)I point out that the intransigence of the Germannaturalscientistsat the level of formal internationalrelationswas possible only because of the existenceof extensiveinformalrelations with Allied scientistsandscientificenterprises. Il. THE IDEOLOGYOF SCIENTIFICINTERNATIONALISM The quantitativegrowthand qualitativetransformationof scientificactivityand Europe was paralleledby a literaturein late-sixteenth-and seventeenth-century heighteningself-, class, and nationalconsciousnessamongthe scientiststhemselves. Thusby the middleof the seventeenthcenturywe havein highlydevelopedformthat apparentlycontradictoryunion of the notion of a republicof science-of an activity and body of knowledgewhichtranscendsnationalboundariesandloyalties-with the most acute consciousnessof the nationalorigin or affiliationof individualscientists The contradictionmay be realenough,but it is essential, and scientificachievements.6 just as essentialas the tensionbetweencooperationand competitionat all otherlevels of scientificactivity.A level of meritpresupposesan equallyhighlevel of competition, and if honorsare to be distributedat an internationallevel, then theremustbe competitionbetweennationalscientificchampions.7 6 HufbaUer, ibid.,p. 112, and in personalcommunications,has pointed out that while phrases such as "the republic of learning" and "the commonwealth of learning" are exceedingly common in the last third of the seventeenth century (e.g., Pierre Bayle's journal, Nouvelles de la republiquedes lettres,begun in 1684), they appearto be rare in the first third. To illustrate the extremenational consciousness,which from this periodonwardsubsistedalongsidethe notion of a republicof letters, examplesmay be drawn ad libitum from Newton's correspondencein Louis T. More, Isaac Newton (1934; reprinted New York:Dover, 1962),pp. 146, 316, 384, 398: John Wallis to John Collins, "I would very fain that Mr. Hooke and Mr.Newton wouldset themselves in earnestfor promotingthe designsabout telescopes,that othersmay not steal fromus what our nation invents"; Henry Oldenburgto Isaac Newton, "They think it necessaryto use some means to secure this invention from the usurpationof foreigners";EdmondHalleyto Newton, "so laudable a piece, so much to your own and the nation'scredit";Wallisto Newton, "You are not so kind to your reputation(and that of the nation) as you might be, when you let things of worthlie by you so long." 7 The analogy between international science and internationalsport has been employed by Erwin Schrodinger."Ist die Naturwissenschaft milieubedingt?"-expansion of a lecture to the Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, in Berlin,Feb. 18, 1932, in OberIndeterminismus der Physik; Ist die Naturwissenschaftmilieubedingt? Zwei Vortrdgezur Kritik der naturwissenschaftlichenErkenntnis (Leipzig: J. A. Barth, 1932), pp. 35-36. This second lecture is furtherexpanded,and dividedinto two essays,by James Murphyin a far too free translation,"Is Sciencea Fashion of the Times?" and "Physical Science and the Temper of the Age" in Erwin Schr6dinger, Science, Theory and Man (New York:Dover, 1957), pp. 81-105, 106-132; the passage in question is on p. 97. On the tension between cooperation and competition in contemporary science: see Warren 0. Hagstrom, The Scientific Community (New York:Basic Books, 1965), p. 100, et passim; John Ziman, PublicKnowledge.An Essay ConcerningtheSocial Dimension of Science (Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,1968),p. 100,etpassim. This content downloaded from 220.127.116.11 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 154 PAUL FORMAN An agonisticsimilesuchas the Olympicgamescan be of somehelp here,especially in makingclear the necessityof agreementabout the bases of competition,that is, about scientificdoctrine,data, methods;these must be substantiallysupranationalif competitionis to be possibleat all. Thusthe verypossibilityof a deeperunderstanding of the natureof atoms,just as the possibilityof breakingthe world hop, skip, and jump record(and thus, a fortiori,the possibilityof derivingindividualor national prestigefromthe achievement)dependsuponthe existenceof supranationalagreement on the groundrules.8Moreover,the competitiveelementinherentin our simileis also an essentialelementin the pursuitof science.The questionof the qualityof scientific performance-themajorpreoccupationof the scientist-has no meaningapartfrom (competitive)comparisons. Who, however,is to judge that competition?Here, as elsewhere,it is praisefrom partieswitha negativebias,fromcompetingnations,whichis regardedas mostgenuine and cogent; thus the great prestigecarriedby foreign honors. When, then, it is a questionof measuringa nation'sscientificachievement,the only standardlegitimized by scienceitselfis the relativeamountof attentionwhichthat nation'sscientificwork attractsamongforeignscientists.9 Nonetheless,there is in modernsciencealso a cooperativeelementto which our agonisticsimile does not do justice. For the competitionis not merelybetweenthe scientistand his colleagues,but betweenall and nature,in which each success,if it comes up to acceptedstandardsof performance,is applauded,althoughperhapsnot very loudly. Thus scientistsor scientificorganizationswhich have committedthemselvesto a largeinvestmentof timeandmoneyin a particularline of researchneednot have the courageto "go for broke."They will usuallypreferto restraindirectcompetitionby cartelizingthe field,tradinga slimchanceof carryingoff all the laurelsfor a guaranteeof a share in the recognition.Moreover,in certain areas of applied or cosmicalphysicsrequiringlarge quantitiesof data from diversegeographicalsites, divisionof labor and profitsharingbecomepracticalnecessities.But again,any such cartelizationrequirescommunication,personal contact, and coordinationat the internationallevel. It is then to be expectedthat the scientistsof all nations-but especiallythe leading scientistsof the leading scientificnations in order to assure themselvesof these in andthroughscientificideology, advantageswill affirmand"verify"internationalism 8F. S. L. Lyons, Internationalismin Europe 1815-1914 (EuropeanAspects, Series C, No. 14) (Leiden:Sythoff, 1963), pp. 381-386. Thus a thorough-going sociological view of science would see the scientists'insistencethat the laws of natureareindifferentto nationalboundariesas an elementof scientificideology and would stress the social and personalbenefitswhich the scientists derivefrom adherenceto it: "til Fremmeaf vor Forstaaelseaf Naturen og til Aere for dansk Videnskab,"as Niels Bohr put it in concluding his addressat the inaugurationof his Institutfor teoretiskFysik, Mar. 3, 1921.Archivefor History of Quantum Physics, Bohr MSS, Microfilm 9; for descriptions,locations, etc. of this archive, see T. S. Kuhn, et al., Sourcesfor History of Quantum Physics. An Inventory and Report (Memoirsof the AmericanPhilosophicalSociety, Vol. 68) (Philadelphia,1967);referredto hereafter as AHQP and SHQP. 9 "Dass die deutscheForschungauf dem richtigen Wege fortschreitetzeigt das hohe Ansehen auf dem ganzen Erdball, das sie geniesst...." Wilhelm Wien, Universalitdt und Einzelforschung, Rektorats-Antrittsrede, gehalten am 28. November 1925, Munchener Universitaitsreden,Heft 5 (Munich, 1926), p. 5. This measure was, e.g., adopted by Alphonse de Candolle, Histoire des sciences et des savants depuis deux siecles (2nd ed., Geneva/Basel,1885), and is implicit in the procedures for selecting, as well as the popular pastimeof counting,Nobel laureates. This content downloaded from 18.104.22.168 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 155 that is, in and through the corpus of generally accepted conceptions about the nature and products of scientific activity, in contradistinction to the generally accepted conceptions which constitute the scientific products themselves. The propositions and rhetoric asserting the reality and necessity of supranational agreement on scientific doctrine, of transnational social intercourse among scientists, and of international collaboration in scientific work are thus regarded here as tenets of scientific ideology; we may call these tenets the ideology of scientific internationalism.'0 This ideology assumes a substantial measure of national sentiment and organization among scientists. Its function is to control and exploit this "scientific nationalism" in the interest of the advancement of science and of scientists. Moreover, to function smoothly and effectively this ideology must leave room for the expression and fulfillment of the nationalistic sentiments it channels. This it has done since the seventeenth century through the eminently simple formula that the fame and honor which the scientist wins accrues also to his nation and patron. As Lavoisier's colleagues urged in his defense while he was awaiting trial by the Revolutionary Tribunal: "the opinion of most of the scientists of Europe assigns to Citizen Lavoisier a distinguishedplace among those who have brought honor to France...."1. According to this classical conception-largely due to and propagandized by the scientists themselves-the contribution of science to national prestige is an automatic and inevitable byproduct of scientific achievement. It does not require a choice on the scientist's part between serving the interests of science and serving the interests of his nation, between behaving like a good scientist and behaving like a good patriot. Of course the scientist may be strongly inclined, especially in wartime, to manifest his patriotism by applying his knowledge and skills toward the solution of urgent practical problems. But that is quite a different case: (1) because the scientist's service to his nation is then measured not by scientific prestige abroad but by practical 10In maintaining a distinction, at least in nuance and by implication, between supranational, transnational,and international,I am following Schr6der-Gudehus,Journalof World History,1966,10:162. "IQ,uoted by Douglas McKie, Antoine Lavoisier,Scientist, Economist,Social Reformer (1952; reprinted, New York:Collier, 1962), p. 281. The Greeks' obsession with "noble fame" (Jacob Burckhardt,GriechischeKulturgeschichte, ed. R. Marx, Leipzig: A. Kr6ner, 1929, Vol. II, p. 27, Vol. III, p. 421, et passim)encouragesone to look for antecedentsof this formulain classical antiquity. Although examining a somewhat differentproblem, Edgar Zilsel's discussions of "Ruhmverleiher"in Die Entstehungdes GenieMohr, 1926),pp. 52-65, 103begriffes(TiAbingen: 104, 111-130, suggest, however, that in classical antiquity there was no clear conception of the literary man reflectinghis own glory upon his patron, but only of his conferringof glory upon his patronby writingabout that patron.This was evidently not an option open to the natural philosopheror mathematician,and in fact after Socrates the philosophers generally repudiated fame as a motive for scientificresearch-and implicitly for support thereof. In the Renaissance, on the other hand,gloria appearsas a motive for literarywork of all sorts, along with a notion of the scholar's patron, but apparently not the scholar'snation,participatingin the literaryfame won by the protege. A large elementof this conceptionpersistedin theseventeenthandeighteenth centuries, particularly in Germany, where national consciousness was weaker and dependence upon the prince stronger. Leibniz, for example, in pressing potentates to support his scientificacademies,confidentlyheld out to them "gloriamimmortalemvermittelstdes incrementi scientiarum."(Quotedby A. Harnack,Geschichte der. . . Akademieder Wissenschaftenzu Berlin, Berlin:Reichsdruckerei,1900, Vol. I, p. 19.) At the same time one can trace at least from the latter sixteenth century a growing emphasis by the scientistupon the honor he is conferringupon his country,even where it is the prince to whom he must turn for patronage(e.g., J. L. E. Dreyer, TychoBrahe, 1890; reprintedNew York:Dover, 1963,pp. 84,116). This content downloaded from 22.214.171.124 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 156 PAUL FORMAN achievements at home; (2) the scientist must indeed choose to subordinate the interests of his science to those of his nation. Logically this need not be accompanied by any repudiation of the ideology of scientific internationalism, although with this reorientation of the scientist's goals that ideology loses much of its utility. In fact, however, the scientist's persona, his image of himself, usually makes him most reluctant to admit that he has chosen between his science and his nation. He will often prefer to equate the interests of his nation with those of science (and, perhaps, humanity), most easily and most often when his nation is both a leading scientific power and a leading military power. At the same time, in order to maintain that persona intact, he must take care to avoid any direct repudiation of the ideology of scientific internationalism. And those who have the most to lose from a cancellation of international competition and recognition are likely to take the greatest care. The peculiarly interesting feature of the period following World War I is that while in contrast to the war years the political contribution of science was once again measured primarily in terms of prestige, with formal allegiance to the ideology of scientific internationalism, the German scientists-and in some measure the Allied as well-no longer conceived of their political role in the classical passive terms. Rather, they regardedthemselves as agents, or even as bearers, of the foreign policy interests of their nation and as such were often obliged to sacrificethe interests of German science, and their personal interests as scientists, for the sake of patriotic political posturing. m. THE UNIVERSALITYOF SCIENTIFICKNOWLEDGE A discussion of scientific internationalism in the interwar period, and especially in relation to Germany, immediately calls to mind a host of historical-intellectual phenomena whose common feature is their implicit or explicit challenge to the leading proposition in the ideology of scientific internationalism: the assertion of the universality of science.12 And when one has learned that international scientific relations in this period were characterized by boycotts and counter-boycotts, exclusionism and separatism,13one is naturally led to suppose that there is an intimate connection between these two historical phenomena. Is not the deplorable state of international scientific relations, the division of science into "hostile political camps," only possible because the ideology of scientific internationalism has been undermined, in particular because the assertion of the intellectual universality of science has lost its cogency? That, however, was not the case-at least not for the German scientists. Neither was the intellectual universality of science repudiated-at least not in this context-nor 12 I know of no extended study of these from the preface to their most characteristic phenomena.Indicationsof theirbreadthand per- expression, Oswald Spengler's Decline of the vasiveness are given by Georg G. Iggers, "The West,Vol. I (New York:Knopf, 1926), p. xiii: Dissolution of German Historism," Ideas in "I can then call the essence of what I have disHistory. Essays Presented to Louis Gottschalk, covered 'true'-that is, true for me, and, as I R. Herr and H. T. Parker,eds. (Durham,N.C.: believe, true for the leading [German]minds of Duke UniversityPress, 1965), pp. 288-329, esp. the coming time; not true in itself as dissociated p. 306; Kurt Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches from the conditions imposed by blood and Denken in der WeimarerRepublik (Munich: history,for that is impossible." 13Schroder-Gudehus,Deutsche Wissenschaft; Nymphenburger, 1962), pp. 53-60. Their common tendencymay be indicatedby a quote Kevles,"'Into Hostile PoliticalCamps."' This content downloaded from 126.96.36.199 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISMAND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 157 would the history of international scientific relations in the Weimar period be intelligible had it been. To be sure, from the time of the Franco-Prussian War there had been a variety of challenges to the intellectual universality of science. In Germany the struggle against English influence in physics forms a continuous thread from Friedrich Z6llner's attacks on Helmholtz as a Trojan Horse in the 1870s and 1880s through the manifestos of Philipp Lenard, Johannes Stark, and Willy Wien during World War .14 Yet even the views of such radicals show considerable ambivalence. Thus in Lenard's wartime and postwar agitation we find alongside distinctions between German physics and English physics (or, subsequently, Jewish physics) bitter complaints that German contributions are not receiving due recognition abroad (or, subsequently, by a domestic establishment dominated by Jews or the Jewish spirit).15As Lenard wrote to Stark in July 1915 congratulating him on his recent researches in atomic physics: "Knowledge about atoms thus makes good progress. And inasmuch as that occurs in Germanyjust now [i.e., during the war], even the 'perfectly neutral' people will not be able to put it down to the credit of the English."'16 One notes here the implicit assumption of a unique and thus universal "knowledge," and indeed it is only with such an assumption that the complaints about lack of recognition abroad make any sense.'7 If one wishes to find during World War I (as during the Franco-Prussian War) strong and widespread denials of the universality of natural science by respectable spokesmen, one must look to the French and their Allies, not to the Germans. These repudiations of the ideology of scientific internationalism by Allied scientists constituted an important precondition to their formation of a comprehensive and ex14J. C. F. Z6llner,Uberdie Naturder Cometen. Beitrdgezur GeschichteundTheorieder Erkenntniss(lst ed., Leipzig,1872;3rded., Leipzig,1883). P. Lenard,EnglandundDeutschlandzurZeit des grossen Krieges (Heidelberg:Winter, 1914). Lettersfrom W. Wien to J. Stark,Dec. 21, 1914, Jan. 26, 1915, Feb. 26, 1915, in the Nachlass Stark, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz,Berlin-Dahlem. 15 Helmut Heiber, Walter Frank und sein Reichsinstitutfur Geschichtedes neuen Deutschlands(Stuttgart:DeutscheVerlags-Anstalt,1966), p. 592-594, 839, 970-972, illustrates this latter themein the Nazi period.Its earliersubterranean coursemay be tracedin Stark'scorrespondence; c.f. Armin Hermann, "Albert Einstein und JohannesStark,"SudhoffsArchiv,1966, 50:267285. A dissertationon this topic is beingprepared by Alan Beyerchen, Department of History, Universityof California,SantaBarbara. 16"Die Kenntnisseuiberdie Atome schreiten also gut vor. Dass das jetzt bei uns geschehen kann, werdenwohl selbst die 'neutralsten'Leute nicht als engl. Verdienst hinstellen k6nnen!" Philipp Lenard to Johannes Stark, Heidelberg, July 14, 1915, postcard; published in part in facsimile in A. Hermann, ed., GermanNobel Prizewinners(Munich:lHeinzMoos, 1968),p. 77. 17 The feelingwhich Lenardexpressedpublicly and blatantly-that the contributions of the German physicists were being plagiarized or suppressed by foreigners-was in fact widely sharedby his colleagues.As Arnold Sommerfeld wrote Bohr, Feb. 5, 1919, thanking him for acknowledgingthe work of Sommerfeld'sschool so liberallyin his publications,"Dadurchwerden wohl auch die Fachgenossenin den feindlichen Landern,die sonstgernalle deutschenLeistungen unterschlagenm6chten, gezwungensein, einzusehen dass sich die deutscheWissenschaftselbst im Kriege nicht unterdruckenlasst." (AHQP, Bohr Scientific Correspondence,Microfilm 7.) The feeling was certainly mutual; so, P. G. Nutting, "National Prestige in Scientific Achievement," Science, 1918, 48:605-608: "Plagiarismand piracywere common practices, and from personalknowledgeI doubt whethera thirdof even the more eminentGermanscientists were free from this taint." Yet such statements, charging the other side with cheating and gaining prestige by dishonest means, far from indicating a repudiation of the ideology of scientific internationalism,are ratherindicative of basic adherence to it. This general point was made by R. K. Merton in his analysis of disputes over priority: "Prioritiesin Scientific Discovery: A Chapter in the Sociology of Science," AmericanSociological Review, 1957, 22:635-659. This content downloaded from 188.8.131.52 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 158 PAUL FORMAN clusionist international scientific organization at the end of the war-the International Research Council. Yet such deprecation of the enemy's scientific men and scientific contribution, never characteristic of the Germans, receded very quickly among the Allies after 1918. Their only essential role in international scientific relations in the Weimar period was as unrepeated but unretracted insults to the Germans, rankling in much the same way as the unretracted manifesto of the ninety-three German scholars and artists of October 1914 continued to rankle among the Allies.18 Nevertheless, it is undeniable that in Germany the postwar intellectual atmosphere was saturated with sociologies and biologies of mind and knowledge and that restrictions upon the universality of scientificknowledge were more or less explicit in the bulk of such doctrines-certainly in those with substantial appeal to a wholly non-Marxist and largely non-Catholic educated middle class. The German academics, even the physicists, did not remain immune to such influences.19Notable in this connection is Erwin Schrodinger'scontention, In a word, we all are membersof our culturalmilieu. So soon as the orientationof our interest plays any role whatsoeverin a matter, the milieu, the culturalcomplex, the Zeitgeist,or whateverone wishes to call it, must exert its influence.In all areas of a 18 The "Aufruf an die Kulturwelt"of Oct. 4, 1914, signed by ninety-threeGerman scientists, scholars, and artists (publishedand republished Wider in numerousplaces, e.g., HIansWVehberg, den Aufrufder 93! Das ErgebniseinerRundfrage an die 93 Intellektuellenuber die Kriegsschuld, fur Charlottenburg: Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft Politik und Geschichte,1920, 40 pp.; there is an Englishtranslationof the manifestoin Ralph H. Lutz, TheFall of the GermanEmpire,1914-1918, Palo Alto: StanfordUniversityPress,1932,Vol.1, pp. 74-78). The manifesto was widely construed outside Germanyas a repudiationof the universality of science,althoughin fact thereis nothing in the documentto supportsuch a construction. Vorstellungen Disturbedby such"unzutreffenden von der Gesinnung seiner Unterzeichner," Planck wrote an open letter to H. A. Lorentzin Mar. 1916 (Wehberg, Widerden Aufrufder 93!, pp. 19-20) declaringthat "Was ich aber Ihnen gegenilber mit besonderem Nachdruck zu betonen wiAnsche,ist die feste, auch durch die Ereignisse des gegenwartigen Krieges nie zu erschuitternde Ueberzeugung,dass es Gebieteder geistigenund sittlichenWelt gibt, welchejenseits der Volkerkampfe liegen, und dass ehrliche Mitwirkungbei der Pflegedieserinternationalen Kulturgiuter,wie auch nicht minder personliche Achtung von Angeh6rigen eines feindlichen Staates, wohl vereinbarist mit gliuhenderLiebe und tatkraftigerArbeitfur das eigeneVaterland." Cf., for contrast, Michael Pupin to George E. Hale, Oct. 20, 1917, "I heartilyendorsethe sentiments expressed by Monsieur Picard and by Mr. W. W. Campbell. Science is the highest expression of a Civilization. Allied Science is, therefore, radically different from Teutonic Science.It is true that the highest aim in Science is to disassociate itself from all its anthropomorphic elements, but we are still very far from that ideal goal. Man is intensely anthropomorphic, of course, and we see today more clearlythanwe haveeverseenbefore,that Science can-not be disassociatedfrom the varyingmoods and sentimentsof man. I thank God it is so, for this bringsSciencevery much closer to my heart than it ever was before, becauseI feel that scientific men are men first and scientistsafter that.", (California Institute of Technology, Archive, Hale Papers, Microfilm41, frame 140.) "Indeed it is a commonsayingthat scienceis international. But we are beginning to revise our verdict." WilliamRamsay in Nature,Oct. 1914, as quoted by Roy M. MacLeod, "Into the Twentieth Century,"Nature, 1969, 224:457-461. See, also, Paul Gary Wersky,"The PerennialDilemma of SciencePolicy,"Nature,1971,233:529-532. 19This paragraph has been revised and the following paragraphsin this section have been added in response to Prof. Gerald Feldman's querywhether"importantGermanscientistswere ambivalent about or even hostile to Western science in the same way that their counterparts in the social sciencesand humanitiesoften asserted the separation of German Kulturfrom the civilization of the West." This most interesting question is part of the general problem which Fritz Ringer, Decline of the GermanMandarins ... 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), has placed before historians of science, viz. how far did German naturalscientistsshare the academicideology of theircolleaguesthe Geisteswissenschaftler ? This content downloaded from 184.108.40.206 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AND WEIMARPHYSICISTS SCIENTIFICINTERNATIONALISM 159 culturetherewill exist commonfeaturesderivingfrom the world view and, much more numerousstill, commonstylisticfeatures-in politics,in art,in science(Wissenschaft).20 Indeed, Schr6dinger himself was prepared to go even further and insist that physical conceptions be judged on the basis of their conformity to such extrinsicpreoccupations; as he wrote Willy Wien in August 1926: "Physics consists not merely of atomic research, science not merely of physics, and life not merely of science. The purpose of atomic researchis to fit our experiences from this field into the rest of our thought."'2' Schrodinger'sdeclarations are unusual, possibly unique-not however in substance, but in clarity and boldness. As I have pointed out elsewhere, in their public addresses Weimar physicists and mathematicians were as often ready to concede as to combat the notion that the doctrines and methods of their disciplines were decisively influenced by the Zeitgeist. 2 More common still, and more to the point, was a readiness to represent the race or nation as determinative of the scientific style or as endued with a special talent for some particular science. Planning its strategy for a public protest against the curricular reforms of the Prussian Ministry of Education, the Mathematischer Reichsverband, the central organization of the various German mathematical societies, chose to base its case upon the proposition that "mathematics belongs alongside the German language among the specifically German cultural studies."23 No doubt the mathematicians who led the Mathematischer Reichsverband would have represented their discipline somewhat differently in other circunmstancesand to other constituencies. Addressing an audience of humanistically educated officials and eminent Geisteswissenschaftler(and their wives) at a public session of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, they might rather emphasize, as did Max Planck, that "die Wissenschaft,just like art and religion, can in the first instance grow properly only on national soil. Only when such a basis has been established is a fruitful union of the nations in high-minded competition possible"24-thus reminding us strongly of Ernst Troeltsch's contrast between the Western "ideal of a final union of fundamentally equal human beings in a rationally organised community of all mankind," and the German "ideal of a wealth of national minds, all strugglingtogether and all developing 20 Schr6dinger, "Ist die Naturwissenschaft milieubedingt?"(1932), pp. 37-38. The main thrustof Schrodinger'sargumentis that whilethe choice of the subject of scientific investigation may be "subjective"the resultingscientificknowledge is "objective." He therefore tended to restrictthe influenceof his contemporarycultural milieu to the "style" of physicalscience and did not explicitly extend it to the content of the theorieswhichhe andhis colleagueswereforming and adopting. 21 Schrodingerto W. Wien, Aug. 25, 1926 (AHQP). This passage is includedin the extract published in [W. Wien], Aus dem Leben und WirkeneinesPhysikers... (Leipzig:Barth,1930), p. 74. 22Paul Forman, "WeimarCulture,Causality, and QuantumTheory,1918-1927:Adaptationby German Physicists and Mathematicians to a Hostile Intellectual Environment," Historical Studiesin thePhysicalSciences,1971,3:1-115. 23 "Mathematik geh6rt nebst Deutsch zur spezifisch deutschen Kulturkunde und kann nichtin Parallelezu den [foreign]Sprachengesetzt werden." Unterrichtsbldtter fur Mathematikund Naturwissenschaften,1924, 30:72. For the MathematischerReichsverbandand its struggle "gegen die Herabsetzungdes Intellektualismus" see Forman,"WeimarCulture,Causality...." 24 Max Planck, "Ansprachedes Sekretars... vom. 1. Juli 1926," Max Planck in seinen Akademie-Ansprachen.Erinnerungsschriftder Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaftenzu Berlin (Berlin:AkademieVerlag, 1948), p. 94. Planck'sbiographerHans Hartmannwaxes quite ecstatic over "seine Auffassung von dem Verhaltnis nationalerund 'internationaler'Wissenschaft ... in sich so rein, so geschlossen, so organisch ausgebaut, dass keine hohere Form denkbar ist." Max Planck als Mensch und Denker(Frankfurt:UllsteinBuchNo. 490,1964), p.38. This content downloaded from 220.127.116.11 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 160 PAUL FORMAN thereby their highest spiritual powers."25 Or, conversely, before still other audiences they might, like Planck, present a picture of the individual researcher contributing his mite "to the great treasurehouse of international science."26 It must therefore be recognized and admitted that in some considerable measure the German physicists and mathematicians participated in-and in certain situations appealed directly to-the anti-universalist sentiments in their intellectual milieu. But for the purpose of our present inquiry the striking and important circumstance is that in other situations-notably, in the Weimar discussions of international scientific relations-not merely the physical scientists but even the Geisteswissenschaftlerrefrained from introducing the notion of qualitatively distinct national sciences.27And relations. (Heinrich Karo, "Der geistige Krieg gegen Deutschland,"Mitteilungendes Verbandes der Deutschen Hochschulen, June 1924, 4, Beilage,22 pp., on p. 13. See, also, Karo, "Krieg oder Friede," Mitt. V. D. H., Oct. 1925, 5:165Mitt. V. D. H., Feb. 169; "Erganzungsbericht," 1926, 6:25-29.) At its fourth congress in Jan. 1925the Verbanditself passeda resolutionwhich declaredthat "scienceis not a subjectfor political conflictbut an affairof humanity,for whichonly the truth is valid as supremelaw," and then continued with the assertion that any invitation to individualGermansto participatein international scientificmeetingsmust be rejectedas an "insulting presumption"(Mitt. V. D. H., Feb. 1925,5: 50). If, however, we look closely at the notion of "thatrealand genuineinternationalityof science" held by these radical nationalists,we find preciselythe anticipateddistinctionbetweenGerman and Western culture; and there, of course, lies one of the basic motives for their utter intransigence in internationalscientificrelations. In an unguarded moment Karo might deplore the "representatives of 'objective supra-national schlecht Unscience"' ("Vers6hnungsfanatiker, terrichteteund Vertreter der 'objektiven, uiber den Nationen stehenden Wissenschaft,"' Mitt. V. D. H., 1926, 6:25). Far more often, however, he and his associateswould argue that "one can scarcely conceive of a greater distortion and falsification of the axiom that science is internationalthan a decisiveinfluenceupon the world by French Kulturpolitik."For this reason he ratherwelcomedthe "worldboycott, which here can even be a blessing,becauseit leaves us complete freedom,"above all freedom from French influence.("Der geistigeKrieg . . . ," p. 12.) Such becameparticularlycommon in 1925argurments 1926 when Germany'sentranceinto the League of Nations seemedimminent.Thus the chairman of the Auslandsausschussof the Verband der DeutschenHochschulen,Otto Franke,warnedof subordination and subservience of German scienceto Frenchcivilizationin "GeistigeZusamGelehrten . .. have always regarded as a matter menarbeit,"Mitt. V. D. H., Oct. 1925, 5:170of course," even while he was doing his utmost 174; Wilhelm Riedner, "Volkerbund und to maintainthe split in German-Alliedscientific geistigeZusammenarbeit,"Mitt. V. D. H., 1926, 25 ErnestTroeltsch,"TheIdea of Natural Law and Humanityin WorldPolitics"(1922),in Otto Gierke, NaturalLaw and The Theoryof Society, 1500-1800, trans. E. Barker (Boston:Beacon Press, PaperbackNo. 50, 1957),pp. 201-222, on p.211. 26 Max Planck, "PhysikalischeGesetzlichkeit im Lichte neuererForschung,"Vortraggehalten am 14. Februar 1926 in den Akademischen Kursen von Dusseldorf, PhysikalischeAbhandlungen und Vortrage (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1958), Vol. III, pp. 159-171, on p. 159. See also Planck's letter to Lorentz quoted above, n. 18. Among the very few outspokenopponentsof the prevalentanti-universalismwas GerhardHessenberg. In his Antrittsredeas professor of mathematics at Tubingen (Vom Sinn der Zahlen, Leipzig:Neue Geist, 1922), Hessenberg lampooned Spengler'sutterly superficialknowledge of mathematicsand challengedhis basic assumptions. "Thethesis: 'Thereis no mathematic,there are only mathematics' is for him the test of strength of his more far-reachingcontention of the independenceof the cultures.This latterthesis cannot be more easily refuted (and in fact is reof futedeo ipso)thanby the unity[Einheitlichkeit] the mathematical knowledge of all civilized peoples [Kulturvilker]" (pp. 48/49). But precisely because of Hessenberg's unusually outspoken and uncompromisingstand on the universality of mathematicalknowledge, it is interestingto note that he himselfwas preparedto attributethe geometrical garb of Hellenic mathematics at least in part to "die besondere anschauliche Veranlagungder Rasse"(p. 30). 27Even while urginga counter-boycottand the rejectionof all overtures,the radicallynationalist Geisteswissenschaftler-tobe found above all in the leadership of the Verband der Deutschen Hochschulen, Weimar's AAUP-represented themselvesas the defendersof true internationalism in science. Thus the classical archaeologist Heinrich Karo claimed to stand for "that real and genuine internationalityof science (Interwhich the German nationalitdtder Wissenschaft), This content downloaded from 18.104.22.168 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 161 this is not altogether surprising:the ideology of scientific internationalism, and especially the universality of the results of scientific research, was the essential prerequisite for any attempt to make political capital out of German scientific and scholarly achievement; it was implicit in the very notion of science as a Macht-Ersatz. IV. SCIENCEAS A MACHT-ERSATZ To make intelligible the intensity of the Weimar scientist's preoccupation with his national political role-the depth of his conviction of his national political missionit is necessary to emphasize once again that proposition, that pervasive rhetoric, which Brigitte Schroder-Gudehushas so clearly analyzed: the notion that quite apart from any economic, technical, or military advantages to be derived from leadership in science, the very fact of being a scientific great power is an attribute comparable to, and in some vague sense interconvertiblewith, political great-power status.28 In the fall of 1909 Wilhelm II was induced to request from his favorite Gelehrter,the Director of the Prussian State Library, Adolf Harnack, a report on the desirability of establishing in Germany scientific research institutes independent of the universities. With the aid of the organic chemist Emil Fischer and the medical scientist August Wassermann, Harnack prepared a memoir urging the necessity of, and sketching the organization of, what then became the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft, now the MaxPlanck-Gesellschaft.29The motivation for this radical shift in the patterns of research organization and support in Germany was primarily the American precedent and challenge, especially in the biomedical sciences. With such slogans as "The military and science (Die Wehrkraftund die Wissenschaft)are the two strong pillars upon which Germany's greatness rests," Harnack et al. were not referring to the economic importance of applied science, say, but argued that the threatened loss of Germany's leadership in natural science was "national-politically ominous," "because today, in contrast with earlier periods [!], with the extraordinarilyheightened national feeling, a national stamp is affixedto every product of scientific research."30 Harnack's memoir was passed for analysis and comment to the responsible bureaucrats in the Prussian Ministry of Education and the Reich Interior Ministry, Friedrich Schmidt and Theodor Lewald. In their joint memorandum they summarized the argument of the savants as follows: For Germanythe maintenanceof its scientifichegemonyis just as much a necessityfor the state as is the superiorityof its army. A decline in Germany'sscientificprestige 6:85-92, stressedthat "the true internationality of sciencerestsupon the nationallyand culturally freely developing cooperative scientificwork of the Vdlker,"but in the organizationsdominated by French cultural imperialism"kann eine kulturelle Eigentiimlichkeitnicht gedeihen"(p. 92); and in an article on "Locarnound die deutsche Wissenschaft,"Mitt. V. D. H., Dec. 1925,5:213216, Ludwig Bernhard, professor of political economy at the Universityof Berlin,warnedthat France'szealous efforts "to tackle the problems of science in the French spirit" constitute "an enormouspoliticalpowerfrom which in the long run no individualand no nation can withdraw," and urged the severest measures against his colleagues who, knowingly or unknowingly, acted in the interests of French cultural hegemony. 28 Schroder-Gudehus,Deutsche Wissenschaft, pp. 181-182, 199. 29Published in 50 Jahre Kaiser-WilhelmGesellschaft und Max-Planck-Gessellschaftzur Fdrderungder Wissenschaften,1911-1961. BeitrdgeundDokumente,ed. Generalverwaltungder Max-Planck-Gesellschaft(Gottingen, 1961), pp. 80-94. 30Ibid.,pp. 81, 82, 89. This content downloaded from 22.214.171.124 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 162 PAUL FORMAN reactsupon Germany'snationalreputeand nationalinfluencein all otherfields,leaving entirely out of account the eminent importancefor our economy of superiorityin particularfieldsof science,suchas chemistry,especially.3' What we have in this imagery and rhetoric is an attempt at a substantial extension of the classical nationalistic exploitation of scientific internationalism. The spokesmen for German science here advance beyond the concept of national honor and prestige, giving an imperialistic and anti-utilitarian twist to the Baconian-Comtian slogan "science is power." Nor was this merely rhetoric, merely for Prussian governmental consumption. On the contrary, while His Majesty received Harnack's report with "unqualified approval,"32the Wilhelmian bureaucrats Schmidt and Lewald, as also the Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg, were uncomfortable with and unready to adopt the savants' conception of their own national-political importance. "The decisive consideration," they said, "is not whether German science has been overtaken by other countries; it is quite sufficientto establish that German science, for its own sake, requires for its full development large research institutes of the type proposed."33But even if not yet ready to recognize German scientific hegemony as indispensable to German political hegemony, the leading government officials would have joined the spokesmen for German science in subscribing to the converse proposition-the indispensability of Germany's political great-power status to her position as a scientific great power. It was to this conviction that the manifesto of the ninety-three gave expression.34 Without trying to trace the social bases of this thirst for power by the German academics, or the forms it took after the outbreak of World War 1, let us jump forward four years to November 1918. Germany is militarily and economically prostrated and 31 Transcribedfrom the NachlassSchmidt-Ott, B LXXVI, No. 3, Vol. IV, Deutsches Zentralarchiv, Merseburg, by Gunter Wendel, "Zur gesellschaftlichen Stellung und Funktion der zur Forderungder Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft Wissenschaftene.V., dargestellt anhand ihrer und Entwicklungbis zumI. Griindungsgeschichte Weltkrieg(1911-1914)" (Inauguraldissertation, Phil. Fakultdt, Karl-Marx-Universitat,Leipzig, 1964; microfilmcopy at the Centerfor Research Libraries, Chicago), "Dokumentenanhang," document No. 1: "Aufzeichnung,betreffenddie HarnackscheDenkschrift...." Apartfrom a few identifiable interpolations the "Aufzeichnung" was written by Schmidt. With the exception of this firstsectionsummarizingHarnack's"Grundgedanken" and various other less interesting passages, it is published in 50 Jahre KaiserWilhelm-Gesellschaft, pp. 96-103. 32 ".... den lebhaftesten uneingeschrxnkten Beifall Seiner Majestat... ."; v. Valentini to Harnack,Dec. 10, 1909,ibid.,p. 94. 33Ibid., p. 97. Bethmann-Hollweg'sreport (quaPresidentof the PrussianStaatsministerium) to WilhelmII,likewisedraftedby Schmidt,dilutes the argument from national prestige with the argumentfrom full development:"Fasstman die Notwendigkeitvoller EntfaltungunsererWissen- schaft und der Erhaltung ihres geschichtlich erworbenen Ruhmes in Auge, so...." This passage, too, is omitted from the partial copy published, ibid., pp. 103-105; the complete text is given as documentNo. 2 by Wendel,op. cit. In 1913 Bethmann-Hollwegpublicly rejected the academics'call for a governmentallysponsored Kulturpolitikin a letter to the historian Karl Lamprecht,quoted from the VossischeZeitung, by Georg Schreiber, Deutsche Wissenschaftspolitik vonBismarckbis zumAtomwissenschaftler Otto Hahn, Arbeitsgemeinschaftfur Forschung des LandesNordrhein-Westfalen,Geisteswissenschaften,Heft 6 (Cologne:WestdeutscherVerlag, 1954), p. 61; Schroder-Gudehus, Deutsche Wissenschaft,pp. 40, 48-49, cites the originals in the Politisches Archiv, Auswartiges Amt, Bonn. 34 Cf. Friedrich Meinecke, "Politik und Kultur," SiiddeutscheMonatshefte, Sept. 1914, 11:796-801: Kulturis the sap of the tree which is the state, and if the tree is struck at the root, Kulturmust dry up. "Alle diejenigenunter uns, die von einerKulturohne Staattrdumten,werden jetzt erwachenim Angesicht der Gefahr, die ihr droht." For Max Weber's similar opinions: Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Max Weber und die deutsche Politik, 1890-1920 (Tubingen: Mohr, 1959),pp. 74-76. This content downloaded from 126.96.36.199 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 163 in the throes of a political revolution which the academics almost universally deplored and whose issue, the Weimar Republic, few ever accept as the legitimate bearer of their own or their nation's interests. Their immediate and consistent reaction was to reach for the prewar "science as power" rhetoric and images; but now, adapted to a state of national impotence, it became the doctrine of science as a substitute for military and economic power. Addressing a plenary session of the Prussian Academy of Sciences on November 14, 1918, Max Planck declared: If the enemy has taken from our fatherlandall defenseand power, if severe domestic criseshavebrokenin upon us and perhapsstill moreseverecrisesstandbeforeus, thereis one thingwhichno foreignor domesticenemyhas yet takenfromus: that is the position whichGermanscienceoccupiesin the world. Moreover,it is the missionof our academy above all, as the most distinguishedscientificagencyof the state, to maintainthis position and,if the needshouldarise,to defendit witheveryavailablemeans.35 Planck has here struck the keynotes of the German academics' view of international relations in the Weimar period: scientific and scholarly prestige is the sole great-power attribute remaining to the German nation; it is to be valued and defended on that account rather than as an end in itself or even as the index of genuine scientific achievement; it will, by some unspecifiedmechanism, function as a surrogatefor the other, lost attributes of a great power. These basic themes may be heard repeated endlessly with but small variations in the following years. So the spokesmen for the Union of German Universities in justifying their adamantine line toward overturesfrom the International Research Council: "After the complete disarmament and the severe breakdown of the economy, German science is just about the only asset which Germany has to throw onto the scales."36So the physical chemist Fritz Haber, who had played a central role in the mediation of such overtures: I would guess that for my compatriotsthe chief questionwill be, in what sense is the invitationissued. We know perfectlywell that we lost the war and politicallyas well as economicallyno longer sit on the board of directorsof the world. But scientificallywe believewe can still be numberedwith those peoples whichhave a claim to be reckoned amongtheleadingnations.Whetherthis claimis recognized....37 35 Max Planck, Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften,Berlin, Sitzungsberichte(1918), p. 993. This Anspracheis not included in the collection cited above, n. 24, nor in the bibliographycontainedtherein,but is quoted at length in Hartmann,MaxPlanck,pp. 32-33. 36 "Die Referenten[0. Franke, Berlin, and G. Karo, Halle] fiihrten aus, dass nach der volligen Abrustungund nach dem schwerenNiederbruch der Wirtschaft die deutsche Wissenschaft so ziemlich das einzige Aktivurnsei, das Deutschland in die Wagschale zu werfen hatte." Mun1926, 73, No. chenermedizinischeWochenschrift, 7, Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Archiv, VIa 17, Bd. 8, fol. 23. Cf. W. Riedner, Mitt. V. D. H., 1926, 6:92: "Die deutsche Wissenschaft... ist ein Machtfaktorgeblieben, dessen unsere auswartige Politik .. . um so wenigerentratenkann, als andereMachtfaktoren verschwundensind." 37Fritz Haber to H. R. Kruyt, July 7, 1926 (AHQP, H. A. Lorentz Papers, Microfilm 9): "Aber ich vermute, dass die Hauptfrage bei meinenLandsleutensein wird, in welchemSinne die Einladung ergangen ist. Wir wissen sehr genau, dass wir den Krieg verloren haben und politischebenso wie wirtschaftlichnicht mehr im Vorstandeder Welt sitzen. Aber wissenschaftlich glaubenwir noch zu den Volkernzu zahlen, die einen Anspruch haben, unter die fuihrenden Nationen gerechnet zu werden. Ob dieser Anspruch anerkanntwirdoder nicht, vermogenwir schwer aus einer Einladung zu ersehen, die in gleicher Form und mit gleicher Einstimmigkeit auch friiher an Siam ergangen ist." Similarly, Haber, "'ber Staat und Wissenschaft," Aus Leben und Beruf (Berlin:Springer, 1927), pp. 158-166,quoted,alongwithmuchotherpertinent material, by Brigitte Schroder-Gudehus,"The Argument for Self-Government and Public Support of Science in Weimar Germany," Minerva,1972,10:537-570. This content downloaded from 188.8.131.52 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 164 PAUL FORMAN It is interesting and important that the cogency of this rhetoric was not limited to the Weimar Gelehrten,but found a substantial resonance right across the social and political spectra. Harnack introduced it into the budget debate in the national constitutional convention in February 1920 in an appeal for financial support for science, arguing that we must of course limit our expenditures to the vital necessities of the state, but "among the vital necessities of the state belongs also the conservation of the few large assets which it still possesses. Among these entries in the assets column a prominent place belongs to German science."38And to see how widely and firmly this rhetoric took hold of Weimar parliamentarians, note Julius Moses (who, even more than most Social Democrats, had reason to bear a grudge against the German academic establishment) urging his fellow members of the Reichstag to support a substantial appropriation for scientificresearch: TheformerMinisterof the InteriorKoch once saidin the Reichstag:"Germanscienceis the one thing for whichthe world still enviesus." Well, it seemsto me that if you don't wantthe one thingfor whichthe worldstill enviesus to go miserablyto ruin,then strike billionsfrom the militarybudget,and re-employthese unproductivebillionsfor the purposes of cultureand of Germanscience. At which, the transcript notes, there was lively approval among the United Social Democrats.39 To go further in this direction would lead us into such questions as the nature and 38Quoted by Kurt Zierold, Forschungs- position that "Von dem allgemeinenZusammenforderungin drei Epochen:DeutscheForschungs- bruche der dem ungliucklichenKriege folgte, gemeinschaft... (Wiesbaden:Steiner,1968),p. 4. schien zunachst ein gewaltigerFaktor deutscher Cf. Planck, as VorsitzenderSekretar of the Weltgeltung unberuhrt geblieben zu sein: die Prussian Academy of Sciences in the public deutscheWissenschaft. . . und ist heute vielleicht session of July 3, 1919: "Denn die Wissenschaft das einzige, um das die Welt Deutschlandnoch geh6rt mit zu dem letztenRest von Aktivposten, beneidet." die uns der Krieg gelassen hat, den einzigen, Similarly,in a letter of Nov. 24, 1919,fromthe denen auch die Begehrlichkeitunserer Feinde Prussianministerof education,Social-Democrat bisher nichts Wesentliches anhaben konnte." KonradHaenisch,to the Rektorand Senatof the Sitzungsberichte,1919, p. 548. Although this University of Berlin we read that "Under the address,unlike that cited in n. 35, is includedin presentcircumstances,sinceeconomicallywe will Max Planck in seinen Akademie-Ansprachen stand for a long time. ... upon a field of ruins, (1948),pp. 29-31, the passage quotedis omitted we are especiallydependentupon the aid of our from it without any editorialindicationthat the intellectual (geistigen) forces. Fate has here text had been altered. allotteda huge task to Germanscience."Original quoted from the Deutsches Zentralarchiv, 39 Reichstag, Verhandlungen,268. Sitzung, Merseburg, by Siegfried Grundmann, "Der Nov. 16, 1922, p. 9005 B-C. Moses was here re- deutsche Imperialismus, Einstein und die fering to Koch's address at the "Parliamentary Relativitatstheorie (1914-1933)," RelativitttsEvening," Nov. 23, 1920, unveiling the Not- theorie und Weltanschauung (Berlin:VEB Deutgemeinschaftder Deutschen Wissenschaft:"Die scher Verlag der Wissenschaften, 1967), pp. deutsche Wissenschaft, um die uns die Welt 155-285; on p. 167. It is likely that this letterwas beneidet-es ist vielleicht fast das einzige, um drafted by Haenisch's Staatssekretdr, the das uns die Welt noch beneidet-, die deutsche Islamicist Carl Heinrich Becker, whose KulturWissenschaftzu fordern, ist unsere Aufgabe." politische Aufgabendes Reiches (Leipzig:Quelle InternationaleMonatsschriftfar Wissenschaft, und Meyer, 1919), pp. 15 and 18, includedsuch Kunstund Technik,1920, 15:97-100. Koch him- slogans as "Bei seinerpolitischenund wirtschaftself was drawing upon-if his speech was not lichen Ausschaltunghat das deutsche Volk im actually drafted by-Friedrich Schmidt-Ott's Ringen der Volker nur noch seinen Ideengehalt lieutenant, Eduard Wildhagen: "Die Not der als Einsatz," and "das Reich brauchtin ErmandeutschenWissenschaft,"Internat.Monatsschr., gelung einer militarischen eine ideele HausOct. 1920, 15:1-32, which opens with the pro- macht." This content downloaded from 184.108.40.206 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 165 sources of financial support for science in the Weimar Republic and then to the reasons for the flourishing of science, especially physics, in this environment. These questions, seemingly of quite a different order from those with which we began, are in fact intimately related to them through the rhetoric of science as a Macht-Ersatz.40 V. SCIENCEAS A POLITICAL INSTRUMENT- KULTURPOLITIK What does all this remarkably vague talk about science as a surrogate for political and economic power come to in practice? How indeed does an individual or a nation wield science as a political instrument bending other nations to its will? The first halting steps beyond the purely passive classical relationship, in which the nation merely basked in the light of its scientific luminaries, had already been taken in the years before World War I. These measures, of which the German exchange professorships with Harvard, Columbia, and Wisconsin are perhaps the clearest examples, were tacitly based on the concept of an active Kulturpolitik, of a policy carefully planned and orchestrated by the state in which scientific internationalism is killed with kindness by artificially fostering innumerable bilateral contacts and institutions, thus forestalling the multilateralcompetition.4' The number of American students at German universities had reached a peak in the early 1890s and then began to decline with the rise of research-orientedgraduate training in the American universities.42 The exchange-professor programs represented, then, an attempt to hold onto that special bilateral relationship between the German and American academic elites-from which the German academics anticipated a farreaching influence upon American public opinion.43 One might suppose that the most thorough disappointment of these expectations at the outbreak of World War I would also have thoroughly discredited Kulturpolitikas an effective political instrument. But in fact, while before the war the German governments had rather reluctantly accepted 40Schroder-Gudehus, "Public Support," Minerva, 1972, 10:537-570. Paul Forman, "FinancialSupportsand PoliticalAlignmentsof the GermanPhysicistsin the WeimarRepublic," Minerva,1973,11 (in press). 41 1 am heregivingthe termKulturpolitik a very narrow and technicalmeaning related to, but I think more precisethan, Barghoorn'sconcept of "cultural diplomacy." (F. C. Barghoorn, The Soviet Cultural Offensive, Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1960.) A large amount of material on the historical development of the conceptand manifestationsof Kulturpolitik in the broadestsense is cited by ManfredAbelein, Die Kulturpolitikdes Deutschen Reiches und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland . . . (Cologne/ Opladen:WestdeutscherVerlag, 1968). Richard Martinus Emge, AuswiirtigeKulturpolitik.Eine soziologischeAnalyse einiger ihrer Funktionen, Bedingungenund Formen (Berlin:Duncker & H-umblot, 1965), proves, notwithstanding its promisingtitle, quiteuseless. 42 Statisticsgiven by F. Charles Thwing, The Americanandthe GermanUniversity(New York: Macmillan,1928),pp. 42-43. See JurgenHerbst, The German Historical School in American Scholarship;A Study in the Transferof Culture (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1965), Ch. 1; Thomas N. Bonner, American Doctors and GermanUniversities;A Chapterin International Intellectual Relations, 1870-1914 (Lincoln:Universityof NebraskaPress, 1963). 43 Schr6der-Gudehus,Deutsche Wissenschaft, p. 41. This expectation,whichseemsso unreasonable, arose largely from a tenet of German academicideology which held that the university teachersimplyand solelyby virtueof his influence upon university students, and the subsequent tricklingdown of this influenceto the lower intellectual orders of German society, was the maker of the German public mind. See, e.g., FriedrichPaulsen, The GermanUniversitiesand UniversityStudy, trans. from the 1902 German ed. by F. Thilly and W. W. Elwang (London: Longmans Green, 1906), pp. 5, 119-120, and Ringer, Decline of the GermanMandarins,pp. 5-11, etpassim. This content downloaded from 220.127.116.11 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 166 PAUL FORMAN this instrument pressed into their hands by the academics, in the Weimar period Kulturpolitikwas enthusiastically adopted right across the political spectrum as one of the few instruments of an active foreign policy remaining to Germany. In this enthusiasm one sees yet another example of the remarkable success of the Weimar Gelehrten in selling their own academic ideology to a regime which by that very ideology they could not respect." Siegfried Grundmann, using East German state archives, has traced in some detail the great interest of the Prussian Ministry of Education and the German Ministry of External Affairs in Albert Einstein's travels abroad, the satisfaction which they took in his enormous popularity, their anxiousness to have him appear as a German (not Swiss or Jewish) scientist, and their consternation when this man "with whom we can carry on real culture-propaganda"45threatenedto leave Berlinand Germany because he and his theory of relativity had become the focus of anti-semitic political agitation. In this they were at one with the principal eminences of theoretical physics in'GermanyMax Planck and Arnold Sommerfeld-whose reactions on each such occasion betray as much concern over the political implications as over the personal or scientific implications. "To forsake Germany now," Sommerfeld wrote Einstein in the fall of 1920, "when it is so unspeakably mistreated from all sides-I couldn't regard you as capable of it."46 Einstein stayed. Following the murder of Walther Rathenau in the summer of 1922, many feared for the life of this other equally prominent Jew who had served as an instrument of Rathenau's foreign policy. Einstein laid low, pretendedto be out of town, and then went for several months to Japan.47In November 1923, at the time of Hitler's Beerhall Putsch, Einstein was evidently directly threatened, and he fled to Holland. Planck's first reaction was to write Einstein "expressing only the one, but heartfelt and most urgent, request: undertake no steps which would make your return to Berlin finally and permanently impossible."48A few weeks later Planck reported to Lorentz: "About Einstein's affair I am now somewhat reassured, although for several days I could not free myself from the feeling of indignation and shame that this man, "ISchr6der-Gudehus,"Les professeurs allemands,"likewise concludesthat the problemsin re-establishinginternational scientific relations provided academicgroups access routes to both government and public opinion, routes which they then used to propagatepolitical convictions which had only an indirectconnection with the problemsof internationalscientificrelations. 45 R. Sthamer, German charge'd'affaires in London, to the Ministry of External Affairs, Sept. 2, 1920. Putlished by Grundmann,"Der deutsche Imperialismus," p. 265. Further interestingdocuments on the insistence by the German ambassadorin Stockholm that he, and not the Swiss ambassador,was entitled to transmit Einstein'sNobel Prize have been published by F. Herneck, "0ber die deutsche Reichsangeh6rigkeitAlbertEinsteins,"Forschungenund Fortschritte,1963,37:137-140. "6Albert Einstein and Arnold Sommerfeld, Briefwechsel, ed. Armin Hermann (Basel: Schwabe, 1968), p. 68. (English translation in preparationby R. and H. Stuewer.) 47 Grundmann,"Der deutscheImperialismus," pp. 223-230; Ronald W. Clark, Einstein: The Life and Times (New York:World, 1971), pp. 292-305. 48 "Ich bin ganz aussermir vor Zorn und Wut uber diese infamen Dunkelmanner, welche es wagtenund fertiggebrachthaben, Sie von Ihrem Hause, von der Statte Ihrer Wirksamkeit zu trennen... Aber tiefer als meineEmporunggeht mir der Schmerzdariiber,dass Sie . . . keine Lust mehrhatten,zuruckzukommen. . . so mochteich Ihnen hier nur die eine, aber herzlicheund dringendsteBitte aussprechen,jetzt keinen Schrittzu unternehmen, der Ihre Rtickkehr nach Berlin endguiltigund fur allezeit unmoglich machen wurde." Planck to Einstein, Nov. 10, 1923 (EinsteinPapers, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton,N.J.). This content downloaded from 18.104.22.168 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 167 for whom the entire world envies us, could be caused by intrigues of the lowest sort to abandonhis workingplaces."49 Yet in Einstein'scasewe do not havea clearexampleof Kulturpolitik in ournarrow sense,butratherof Kulturpropaganda. Forherethe mechanismstillremains,despitethe active interestof the Ministryof ExternalAffairs,basicallythe classicalone of reflectedglory.A far clearerexampleof the attemptto stackthe deckof scientificinternationalismby promotingbilateralties may be found in Germany'srelationswith Soviet Russia duringthe Weimarperiod. Probablyno one could have been more astonishedthan Rathenauhimselfat the reactionof the politicallyso conservative Germanacademicworldto the announcementthathe had met withthe commissarsat Rapallo on Easter Sunday 1922 and signed a treaty renouncingreparationsand establishingdiplomaticrelations.Certainlythe physicalscientistswerejubilant. On May 15 the GermanChemicalSocietyheld a specialRapallocelebrationat its Berlin headquarters,and an overflowingauditoriumapplaudedthe Russianchemistswho happenedto be in town.50 Duringthe summerof 1922the GermanPhysicalSociety suddenlydevelopeda most sympatheticconcernfor the difficultiesof their Russian colleagues,who were "almostall as good as cut off from Germanscience,"and the society appealedto its membersto contributemultiplecopies of offprintsof their publicationsfor distributionto the Russianphysicists.5'In December1922the society electedOrestChwolson,professorinPetrograd,as theironeandonlyhonorarymember, statingthat this was meantas a visibleexpressionof theirsatisfactionat renewingthe And in orderto keepthesecolleaguessecurelytied ties withtheirRussiancolleagues.52 one had recourseto such practicesas maintaininglower standardsfor acceptanceof articlessubmittedby Russiansto Germanjournals.53 The Russiansthemselveswere not altogetherpleased by the Germanscientists' effortsto saturateand so monopolizetheir internationalrelations-as the Germans knew perfectlywell. Otto Hoetzsch,qua Presidentof the Society for the Study of 49"Ueber Einsteins Angelegenheit habe ich mich jetzt wieder etwas beruhigt, nachdem ich mehrereTagelang das GefuihlderEmp6rungund der Scham nicht los werden konnte, das dieser Mann, um den uns die ganze Welt beneidet, durch Umtreibe der niedrigstenArt veranlasst zu verlassen." werdenkonnte, seine Arbeitsstaitte Planckto Lorentz,Dec. 5, 1923(AHQP, Lorentz Papers,Microfilm9). It is noteworthythatPlanck neverclaims that Einsteinis a German,but only that he works in-and thus sheds his prestige upon-Germany. 50 Berichte der Deutschen ChemischenGesellschaft, 1922, 55A:107-109; V. N. Ipatieff, The Life of a Chemist(Palo Alto: StanfordUniversity Press, 1946), pp. 355, 505; Horst Schutzler, "Wissenschaftliche Beziehungen der Berliner Universitat zur Sowjetunion in der Zeit der WeimarerRepublik 1918 bis 1933," Forschen und Wirken. Festschrift zur 150 Jahr-Feiei der Humboldt-Universitatzu Berlin (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenshaften, 1960), Vol. I, pp. 529-546, on p. 532; Eduard Winter, "Die deutsche Wissenschaft und Rapallo," pp. 153-159 of Rapallo unddie fried- liche Koexistenz, ed. Alfred Anderle (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,1963). Schuitzlerand Winter both errin datingthe meetingJune 15. 51 Verhandlungen der DeutschenPhysikalischen Gesellschaft,Aug. 31, 1922, 3:66; Zeitschlriftfar Physik,Aug. 14, 1922,10:352. 52 Verhl.D. P. G., Aug. 31, 1922, 3:93. In the previous two years there had been a steady streamof RussianscientiststhroughGermany,so that we must suppose that Rapallo was responsible not for the renewedties but the satisfaction therein.In this same pre-Rapalloperiod various individualphysicists,notablyPaulEhrenfest,had been trying, largely unsuccessfully, to arouse interest among the Germans in the work and plightof theirRussiancolleagues. 53 Otto Lubarsch,Ein bewegtesGelehrtenleben (Berlin:Springer, 1931), p. 369: toward such articles"I have been considerablymore generous than toward those by Germans or by other foreigners, because I wanted to prevent their straying into French and English journals.... And that is truenot only of VirchowsArchiv, but also of otherstrictlyscientificGermanjournals." This content downloaded from 22.214.171.124 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 168 PAUL FORMAN Eastern Europe, acknowledged this in 1927 in requesting support from the Ministry of External Affairs for a strictly bilateral scientific fair. But, Hoetzsch explained, the Society nonetheless "considers it to be our duty to exploit in the field of science as well the head start won by the early assumption of political relations with Soviet Russia."54 As the rhetoric of science as a Macht-Ersatz would lead us to expect, this deliberate fostering of bilateral ties to the exclusion of multilateral was seen by the German Gelehrtennot merely as a means for artificially maintaining the international prestige of German science, but also as providing them with a mechanism for directly influencing the policies and behavior of foreign scientists and even of foreign governments. Thus in the summer of 1925, abetted by the Ministry of External Affairs, the German Gelehrtenthreatened the Soviet government with a rupture of the close relations with their Russian colleagues, and in particulara refusal of the invitations to the celebration of the two-hundredth anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences, in order to influence the trial then in progress in Moscow of three alleged German terrorists.65 Essentially similar was Fritz Haber's effort in 1930 to exploit the close relations between German and Japanese chemists which he had carefully cultivated in the preceding decade. Having learned that the Japanese representativebody in the International Chemical Union had failed to support the German proposals, Haber informed the German Ministry of External Affairs that "if Japan sticks to this position, ill feeling will arise between German and Japanese chemistry ... which will have the distressing result that Japanese chemists will have difficulty gaining admission to German 54Original quoted from DZA, Potsdam, by Ursula Kretzschmar, "Die Russische Naturforscherwoche in Deutschland (19.-25. Juni 1927)," Jahrbuchfur Geschichteder U.d.S.S.R. und der volksdemokratischenLdnder Europas, 1966, 9:97-119, on p. 102. In reply to 0. Vogt's welcoming address at the Naturforscherwoche the geochemistA. E. Fersman,Vice Presidentof the Soviet Academyof Sciences,made very clear the Russians' dissatisfactionwith the Germans' attempt to monopolize their international scientificrelations:Irene Strube, "Zur Publizierung der Ergebnisse der sowjetischen Naturforschung, insbesondere der Chemie, in Deutschland(1918-1930),"NTM. Zeitschriftfur Geschichteder Naturwissenschaften, Technikund Medizin,1968,5 (No. 11):55-63. Rudolf Ludloff, "Der Aufenthalt deutscher Hochschullehrerin Moskauund Leningrad1925 anlasslich des 200 jahrigen Bestehens der Russischen Akademie der Wissenschaften," Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der FriedrichSchiller-Universitdt Jena, gesellschafts- und sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe, 1956/1957,6:709721, shows the German Gelehrten,both at the grass-rootslevel and in the Verband der Deutschen Hochschulen, acting on the policy that "Germanyought to be representedas stronglyas possible at the celebrations,"while the Ministry of ExternalAffairstried to restrictparticipation in order that the German delegation not be "conspicuouslystrong"comparedwith the Latin and Anglo-Saxon. Some further interesting material on this episode is given, seemingly in ignorance of Ludloff's work, by Conrad Grau, "Die deutschenUniversitatenund die 200-JahrFeier der Akademie der Wissenschaften der UdSSR 1925," Deutschland,Sowjetunion:Aus fiinf Jahrzehnten kultureller Zusammenarbeit (East Berlin:Humboldt-Universitat,1966), pp. 172-178.The seventycontributionsto thisvolume give numerous examples of cultural diplomacy and show most clearlythe enormous numberof strictlybilateralrelations. 55 Ludloff,"DerAufenthalt."On Aug. 1, 1925, the Minister of Foreign Affairs addressed all Reich and Prussianministries,pointing out that recently many Russians with letters of recommendation from Soviet authorities had been asking to visit scientific institutes in Germany: "Im Hinblick auf die Erfahrungdes Moskauer bemerkeich vertraulich,dass Studentenprozesses, gegenwartig kein Anlass zu besonderem Entgegenkommen. . . besteht und dass beabsichtigt ist, solangeder Prozesseine unserenForderungen entsprechendeLosung nicht gefunden hat, den von Sowjetbehorden unterstutzten Wiinschen solcher Kreisen um Besichtigung deutscher Institute gegenuiber,sofern nicht im Einzelfalle eine Ausnahme angezeigt erscheint, grosste Zuruickhaltungzu uiben." (Auswartiges Amt, VIB. 9981/17098.) This content downloaded from 126.96.36.199 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 169 university laboratories. I assume that on the Japanese side the situation has not been clearly comprehended... ." Haber recommended that the Ministry telegraph the German embassy in Tokyo, directing them to call in the key Japanese representative and explain the situation to him.56 AND "MANDARIN" IDEOLOGIES VI. THE ANTI-POLIMICAL The German-Soviet scientific relations show that the foreign Kulturpolitik of the Weimar period contains no explicit repudiation of the ideology of scientific internationalism, however much the readiness to substitute political purposes and criteria for scientific may in practice pervert the reality. Such a situation is not in itself surprising: it is the most common characteristicof anti-social behavior. What is surprising is that the German Gelehrtenwould have rejected with indignation any suggestion that their international scientific relations, let alone their scientificjudgments, were affected by political considerations. In February 1925 the classicist Eduard Meyer-one of the most influential and also one of the more irrational of the Weimar academics-discussed in the Ministry of External Affairs the question of the German response to the anticipated overturesfrom the International Research Council: Ourreservecan bringus in only advantages.... If we bite too soon we exposeourselves to the dangerof prematurelysurrenderingan advantageousposition. Also in the case of congressesreserveis alreadydemandedby economic considerations,which one must throwup to the opposite side over and over again as their fault.... Sciencemust work scientificallyand hold itself free of all politics. Therefore... even outstandingforeign scientistswho have displayedantagonismto Germanyare not to receiveany academic honorfromGermany.57 56Fritz Haberto Ministerialdirigent Terdenge, June 13, 1930 (Politisches Archiv, Auswartiges Amt, Bonn: Kulturabteilung,VI W, Instituteund Vereinigungen,No. 42, Bd. 3). "Das japanische Votum ist, wie Sie erkennenwerden,mit unseren Auffassungenin vollemWiderspruch.Halt Japan an diesem Votum fest, so entsteht zwischen der deutschen chemischen Wissenschaft und der japanischeneine Verstimmung,die ich bedauern werde, aber nicht hindernkann. Sie wird sich in peinlicher Weise dahin auswirken, dass die Aufnahme von Japanern an deutschen Hochschulstellen Schwierigkeiten finden wird. Ich mochte annehmen, dass man von japanischer Seite die Situationnicht klar iubersehenhat. Ich wurde es fur zweckmassig halten, wenn von Seiten des Auswartigen Amtes der Herr Botschafter in Tokio telegraphischbenachrichtigt und gebetenwiirde,sich HerrnProfessorSetsuro Tamarukommen zu lassen und den Gegenstand mit ihm zu besprechen." 57 '"UnsereZuriickhaltung konne uns nur Vorteile einbringen.... Wenn wir zu fruihzugriffen, setzten wir uns der Gefahr aus, eine guinstigePosition vorzeitig preiszugeben.Auch bei Kongressen sei Zuruckhaltungschon aus wirtschaftlichen Riicksichten geboten, welche man der Gegenseite als deren Schuld immer wieder vorhalten miisse. . . . Die Wissenschaft mulsse wissenschaftlicharbeiten und sich von jeder Politik freihalten. Deshalb . . . konnten auch hervorragendeWissenschaftlerdes Auslandes, weIche sich deutschfeindlich betatigt hatten, deutscherseits keiner akademischen Ehrung teilhaftig werden." (Politisches Archiv, AuswartigesAmt, Bonn:VI B, No. 583, Bd. 1, 1921-1925, "Protokoll der Sitzung im Auswartigen Amt vom 6. Februar 1925 betreffend VerhaltenderdeutschenGelehrtenweltgegeniuber dem Auslande," p. 4.) Erhard Moritz, "Zu den Auslandsbezichungender Berliner Universitat in der Zeit der WeimarerRepublik," Forschen und Wirken,Vol. I, pp. 471-497, points out that "Das 'Eintretenfur Deutschland'wurde an der Universitatzum stillschweigenden[!] Kriterium eines Gastes. Das fiurdie Einladungs-wurdigkeit betonte auch ProfessorOtto Franke, der spaitere Vorsitzendeder Kommission fur Gastvorlesungen." See Otto Franke, Erinnerungenaus zwei Welten(Berlin:W.De Gruyter,1954),p. 163. This content downloaded from 188.8.131.52 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 170 PAUL FORMAN I have edited Meyer's remarksto bring his contradictions into immediatejuxtaposition. But the fact remains that he, and his colleagues, were oblivious to these contradictions, precisely because it was a basic axiom of their academic ideology, and thus of their own self-conception, that science (= objectivity) and politics were wholly antithetical.58 To some degree this anti-political ideology has been common to scientists and scholars of all nations. 9 (The metaphor of the republic of science stems from an age in which parties were regarded as subversive of republics.) And the function of this ideology is to safeguard the interests of the science by denying the legitimacy of any route to status and power in the scientific community other than the ascribed status resulting from distinguished scientific contributions.60 Thus the only legitimized politics in scientific associations is "deference politics."'61 But in early-twentieth- In this connection it is interestingto note the rather ostentatious celebration of the Dutch spectroscopistPieterZeeman,who was generally considered "deutschfreundlich,"and the considerablereluctanceto celebratehis countryman H. A. Lorentz, by far the more significant physicist,who was widely regardedas "deutschfeindlich." Sommerfeld to Friedrich Paschen, July 24, 1921 (SHQP Microfilm33); Karl Kerkhof, InternationalewissenschaftlicheKongresse 1922-1923(Berlin:Privatelyprinted,1923),p. 13; Planck to Einstein, Dec. 4, 1925 (Einstein Collection, Institute for Advanced Study), Lise Meitner to Max von Laue, Nov. 26, 1923, publishedby S. Grundmann,"ZumBoykott der deutschen Wissenschaftnach dem ersten Weltkrieg," WissenschaftlicheZeitschrift der TechnischenUniversitdtDresden,1965,14:799-806. 58Klaus Schwabe, Wissenschaftund Kriegsmoral: Die deutschenHochschullehrerund die politischen Grundfragendes Ersten Weltkrieges (Gottingen:Musterschmidt,1969), pp. 182-183, observes with respect to Meyer's colleague Dietrich Schafer that "his publicisticactivity is all the more astonishingin as much as from his own point of view (Selbstverstandnis) in the last analysis his stance remained unpolitical." Germanacademicideology is treatedas such by Ringer, Decline of the GermanMandarins,and Helene Tompert,Lebensformenund Denkweisen derakademischenWeltHeidelbergsim Wilhelminischen Zeitalter, Historische Studien, Heft 411 (Liibeck/Hamburg:Matthiesen,1969), esp. pp. 59-82. Other studies of political attitudes of the German professorate are: Mommsen, Weber; Hans Peter Bleuel, Deutschlands Bekenner: ProfessorenzwischenKaisserreichund Diktatur (Bern:Scherz, 1968); Kurt Topner, Gelehrte PolitikerundpolitisierendeGelehrte.Die Revolution von 1918 im Urteil deutscherHochschullehrer (Gottingen: Musterschmidt, 1970), who also notes (p. 14) as "ein Spezifikumdes akademischen Berufsstandes,dass Parteipolitikals suspektangesehenwurde." 59E.g., Paul Gary Werskey, "Nature and Politicsbetweenthe Wars,"Nature,Nov. 1, 1969, 224:462-472; Joseph Haberer, Politics and the Community of Science(New York:Van Nostrand, 1969). 60f "Althoughrank and authorityin scienceare acquired through past performance, once acquired, they tend to be ascribed(for an indeterminate duration)." Harriet Zuckerman and Robert K. Merton, "Patternsof Evaluation in Science: Institutionalisation, Structure, and Functionsof the RefereeSystem,"Minerva,1971, 9: 66-100, on pp. 81-82. 611 have borrowed the concept from Ronald Formisano, "Political Character,Antipartyism, and the Second Party System," American Quarterly, 1970, 21:683-709. The scientists' malaise in a political environmentand its connection with the politics of professional associations is noted by Anselm L. Strauss and Lee Rainwater, The ProfessionalScientist: A Study of American Chemists(Chicago:Aldine, 1962). Today, however, we are witnessing a revolt againstthe anti-politicalideology and with it an attack on "deference politics" in scientific associations. E.g., Robert Golub, letter to the editor, Physics Today, March 1970:11: "When one examines the ballot for American Institute of Physics officers that has just been sent out, the reason that policies so harmful to the profession can be institutedbecomes clear. We are told of the fine academic work and impressive researchaccomplishmentsof the various candidates, but we are not given any further information as to their views on the function of AIP and the American Physical Society, on the relationshipof the physics communityto society .... In the absence of any debate between the candidatesthe electionsare a farce,a merepopularity contest...." The logical alternative, already realized in the American Chemical Society,is the developmentof "machinepolitics" in scientificassociations:Science,Apr. 21, 1972, 176:260-263. This content downloaded from 184.108.40.206 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 171 century Germany this quasi-universal professional ideology was integrated with and reinforced by the anti-democratic socio-political ideology of those classes in Germany from which the scholars and scientists were drawn. The bureaucraticauthoritarianism of the old regime, basing policy not on "politics" but on objective, impartial judgments, served the true interests of the nation, while every policy of the parliamentarydemocratic Weimar regime was ipsofacto "political," unobjective, and as such without real legitimacy. Thus although not merely their international relations but every aspect of the scientific-professional life of the Weimar academics was riddled with politics,62it was impossible for them to admit this fact. This categorical rejection of politics was accompanied of course by rejection of those classical utilitarian conceptions of the purpose of the state in which political parties serve as the principal instrumentalities.Not the greatest good for the greatest number, but some higher good is the object of the state. And that higher good? Scholars and scientists generally, but the early-twentieth-century Germans especially, have been inclined toward that "mandarin ideology" which Fritz Ringer has identified and analyzed: "To put it perhaps a little polemically, the state lives neither for the ruler nor for the ruled as a whole; it lives for and through the 'men of culture' and their learning (die Wissenschaft)."63And while the German natural scientists retained the option of justifying their activities in utilitarian terms-an option which, after November 1918, they chose to exercise far less frequently in the face of a revulsion throughout the educated middle class against the very notion of knowledge for use64-implicitly they were at one with the Geisteswissenschaftlerin feeling that the social, economic, and political order exists for the sake of the science and culture which is created within and supported by the social framework.65Although seldom articulated, it was nonetheless this mandarin ideology which made it possible for the German Gelehrten to arrogate to themselves the role of representatives of the genuine interests of the German nation and thus to attribute such inordinate importance to their international scientific relations. 62 1 have explored this circumstance with special referenceto the physicists in "The Environment and Practice of Atomic Physics in WeimarGermany"(Ph.D. Dissertation,University of California, Berkeley, 1967; Ann Arbor: University Microfilms,1968), and in "Financial Supportsand PoliticalAlignmentsof the German Physicists in the Weimar Republic," Minerva, 1973,11 (in press). 63 Ringer, Decline of the German Mandarins, p. 11, and, in general,pp. 1-13, 113-127. Cf. n. 34, and Gerald Feldman, "A German Scientist between Illusion and Reality: Emil Fischer, 1909-1919," in Deutschland and die Weltpolitik im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Festschrift fur Fritz Fischer, I. Geiss and B.-J. Wendt, eds. (Dilsseldorf:Bertelsmann,1973). 64 See my "WeimarCulture,Causality. 65 Consider the following exchange between Sommerfeld and Einstein in Dec. 1918 (Briefwechsel, pp. 54-55) regarding the November revolution which overthrewthe several monar- chiesand broughtthe SocialDemocratsto power. Sommerfeldwrites that he hears that Einstein "believesin the new age and wants to collaborate with it-may God preserveyour faith! I find it all unspeakablymiserableand stupid. Our enemies are the greatest liars and scoundrels, we the greatestsoftheads.Not God, but money rules the world." That's all that Sommerfeld says, but Einstein knows implicitly what Sommerfeld is reallyworriedabout, and replies:"I am however firmly convinced that culture-loving Germans will soon again be able to be as proud of their fatherland as ever-with better reason than before1914. I do not believethat the presentdisorganisation will leave behind permanent damage."Thus it is not the political or economic order, as such, which Einstein supposes to be uppermostin Sommerfeld'smind, but ratherthe damageto Germanscience consequentupon the disruption of that order, and the belief that a democratic-socialiststate will not support and encourage science and culture so liberally or effectivelyas an imperialone. This content downloaded from 220.127.116.11 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 172 PAUL FORMAN VII. THE SUBORDINATION OF THE INTERESTS OF SCIENCE TO THE INTERESTS OF THE NATION Our brief excursus into the anti-political mandarin ideology of the Weimar academics has not deflected us from our main line of inquiry-the ideology of scientific internationalism considered in relation to the attempts to wield German science as a political instrument. Rather it is an essential preliminary to a discussion of a most characteristic feature of those attempts-the willingness to sacrifice the interests of science, indeed of Germanscience, to the interests of the nation. At first sight such abnegation is surprising,for it appears to be inconsistent with an ideology which takes culture as the raison d'etre of the state and which thus seems to place the interests of science above those of the nation. It becomes intelligible, however, if on the one hand we bear in mind that this anti-political mandarin ideology encouraged an identification of the interests of German science with the "true" interests of the German nation, and on the other hand recall how that element of scientific nationalism which lies behind the ideology of scientific internationalism was reinforced by specifically German notions of nations developing their highest spiritual powers through mutual competition. Under these circumstances the rhetoric which represented German science as one of the few "power factors" remaining to German foreign policy persuaded the German scientists that at least theirformal international scientific relations were subordinate to, in the service of, and to be dictated by political considerations, even if that should mean denying themselves certain personal and scientific advantages and satisfactions.6 To be sure, only the most intransigent nationalists were prepared to enunciate and urge this course explicitly. The farthest I have seen a physical scientist go is Georg Struve's proposition that "German science, to whose account we must credit a good bit of the prestige which today  we still enjoy abroad, ought to regard as its most important obligation and task the maintenance of German dignity in the world." And it is most interestingto note that the premises which lead this scion of astronomy's most international family to that conclusion do not contain even the faintest hint of a repudiation of the ideology of scientific internationalism. On the contrary, his memoir on "Astronomie, V6lkerhass, Deutsche Wuirde"opens with a declaration that It was certainlyone of the most deplorableconcomitantsof the World War that the national hatred which blazed up everywheredid not stop short of science, and was responsiblefor a division of the scholarlyworld into two camps which had no further connectionwith each other.No disciplinefelt the damagetherebyinflictedupon science 86It goes without sayingthat preciselybecause they identified their own internationalprestige with the "true"interestsof the German nation, the Germanacademicssaw that nationalinterest quitedifferentlyfromGermany'spoliticalleaders. They took positions on internationalscientific relationswhich were not only detrimentalto the progress of their own sciences but objectively disadvantageousto the German state as well. Thus, for example, Peter Polis, Director of the Aachen MeteorologicalObservatory,pointedout to ReichskanzlerFehrenbach,Sept. 1, 1920, that throughthe Occupationauthoritieshe had been in correspondencewith the meteorological in- stitutes of the Entente, and that these contacts had proved "von besonderem Vorteil" in the adjustment of the German-Belgianboundary. In the light of this circumstancehe asked Fehrenbach to judge whether his participationin the forthcoming international meteorological congress in Venice would "dem Reichsinteressen entsprechen, da die wissenschaftlichenHerren von ganz anderen Voraussetzungenausgehen." (Bundesarchiv,Koblenz; R 43 1/814. Further R 43 1/817, especially for the correspondence between Fritz Haber and ChancellorLuther in 1926-1927.) This content downloaded from 18.104.22.168 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SCIENTIFIC INTERNATIONALISM AND WEIMAR PHYSICISTS 173 more acutelythan astronomy.By the natureof the subject,astronomymore than any other science is dependentupon cooperation with professionalcolleagues in other countries,whetherit be a questionof coordinatedprojectswhichrequireparticipationof severalobservatories,or discoverieswhich need to be checkedand pursuedfurtherby other investigators.The transmissionof reportsin orderthat newly discoveredcelestial phenomena may quickly be generally known, the exchange of scientific ideas and opinions, the wide distributionof the astronomicalliteratureis PRACTICALLYA VITALNECESSITYFOR THISSCIENCE.67 Nonetheless, Struve maintained, for the sake of the dignity of their nation, German astronomers should forgo the advantages of membershipin the Astronomical Union of the International Research Council and rejectthe anticipated invitation to join. Here we must distinguish two political tendencies. The spokesmen for the great majority of the German academics, unsympathetic toward the Republic and specifically antagonistic toward its policy of "fulfillment"of the Treaty of Versailles, pictured themselves as the legitimate representatives of a scientific great power and sought to use German science as the instrument of an independent, anti-governmental, truly national foreign policy. In all their white papers on international scientific relations, reeking with politics as they were, the principal theme was that science and politics must be kept absolutely separate and therefore Germany can have nothing to do with the international organizations established by the Allies.68In particular, the "political 67A typewrittencopy of the 4-page memoir is in the LorentzPapers,microfilm9. It is undated, and the internal evidence is contradictory, implyingthat it was writtenafter Aug. 1926 and before July 1926; it was thus evidently written and rewrittenin the summer of 1926. The concludingparagraphreads:"Den Gedankenan eine Verstandigungs- und Versohnungspolitik um jeden Preis miissen die deutschen Astronomen entschieden von sich weisen, mag er auch vereinzelteAnhangerin ihrenReihenhaben.Der Anschlussan die Union ist fur sie keine Lebensfrage, da die astronomischeGesellschaft ihren Zweck vollig erfullt. Da sollte die deutsche Wissenschaft,zu deren Gunsten ein gutes Stuck des Ansehens zu buchen ist, das wir heute noch im Auslande besitzen, es als ihre vornehmste Pfiicht und Aufgabe ansehen, die deutsche Wurdein derWeltzuwahren."Seealso Schr6derGudehus, DeutscheWissenschaft,p. 190, on the distrustof rapprochementas a kind of Erfiillungspolitik. 68 A notabledocumentis the 22-pagememoirof Max von Gruber, President of the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,dated Dec. 5, 1925 (Akademie der Wissenschaftenzu Berlin, Archiv, VI a 17, Bd. 7, fol. 124). Claiming to speak for the entire BavarianAcademy, Gruber asserts (p. 8) that the position of the German Gelehrtenschaftcannot be otherwise than that they remain ready at any time to participate gladlyin those internationalorganizationswhich offer guaranteesthat they serve purely scientific goals and whose constitutionsenable them to do so, but that they refuse to join organizations which overtly or covertly pursue primarily political goals. Having establishedthis criterion, Gruberthen proves that the Germanscan have nothing to do with the IRC and especiallywith the Committeeof IntellectualCooperationof the League of Nations. The IRC is suspect "vor allem" on account of its "demokratischeVerfassung," for "wie jede Demokratie wird auch diese die Macht einigen wenigenruicksichtslosen und geschicktenPolitikernin die Hand spielen" Gruberdid not hesitate (p. 6). (Characteristically, to send a copy of his memoir to the Weimar government.)The CCI, being subordinateto the League, is ipso facto political (p. 9). Further examples of this fundamental position: Otto Francke, "Bericht des Auslandsausschusses," Mitt. V. D. H., Feb. 1925, 5:29-34, maintains that the IRC is nothing but an organ of the Committee of Intellectual Cooperation of the League, and both pursue only political ends; Ludwig Bernhard, "Locarno und die deutsche Wissenschaft,"Mitt. V. D. H., Dec. 1925, 5: 213-216, maintains these are "politicized organizations"and therefore must be replaced by "international associations and institutes which serve pure science";HeinrichKaro, Mitt. V. D. H., Feb. 1926, 6:25-29, maintainsthat the IRC represents "a tyrannical domination of scienceby a few greatpowersaccordingto purely political postulates," while we Germans "act unceasinglyas representativesof pureunpolitical science." Reporting for the Auslandsausschuss a year after Germanywas invited to join the IRC, Franke, Mitt. V. D. H., Oct. 1927, 7:123-125, emphasized that despite all the pressure from This content downloaded from 22.214.171.124 on Tue, 10 Sep 2013 04:09:54 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 174 PAUL FORMAN character" of the International Research Council they saw "chiefly" in a constitution which did not leave national representation solely to academies and equivalent scientific bodies but admitted the possibility that a country's delegates could be named by its government.69Here of course is the epitome of the anti-political ideology, serving on the one hand to exclude the Weimar government from any